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Ranc Mairie du IXe. Voltaire Mairie du IXe. Thus he inverted the classical view of anthropology, putting the secondary family members first and insisting on analyzing the relations between units instead of the units themselves. This theory attempted to explain how seemingly fantastical and arbitrary tales could be so similar across cultures.
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Sentences with the same function were given the same number and bundled together. Oedipus, for example, consists of the overrating of blood relations and the underrating of blood relations, the autochthonous origin of mankind and the denial of the autochthonous origin of mankind. Furthermore, he considered the job of myth to be a sleight of hand, an association of an irreconcilable binary opposition with a reconcilable binary opposition, creating the illusion, or belief, that the former had been resolved.
Briefly, he considers culture a system of symbolic communication, to be investigated with methods that others have used more narrowly in the discussion of novels, political speeches, sports, and movies. His reasoning makes best sense against the background of an earlier generation's social theory. He wrote about this relationship for decades. A preference for "functionalist" explanations dominated the social sciences from the turn of the century through the s, which is to say that anthropologists and sociologists tried to state what a social act or institution was for.
The existence of a thing was explained if it fulfilled a function. The only strong alternative to that kind of analysis was historical explanation, accounting for the existence of a social fact by saying how it came to be. However, the idea of social function developed in two different ways. At back of this approach was an old idea, the view that civilization developed through a series of phases from the primitive to the modern, everywhere the same. All of the activities in a given kind of society would partake of the same character; some sort of internal logic would cause one level of culture to evolve into the next.
On this view, a society can easily be thought of as an organism, the parts functioning together like parts of a body. In the United States, where the shape of anthropology was set by the German-educated Franz Boas, the preference was for historical accounts. Historical information is seldom available for non-literate cultures. The anthropologist fills in with comparisons to other cultures and is forced to rely on theories that have no evidential basis whatsoever, the old notion of universal stages of development or the claim that cultural resemblances are based on some untraced past contact between groups.
Boas came to believe that no overall pattern in social development could be proven; for him, there was no history, only histories. There are three broad choices involved in the divergence of these schools — each had to decide what kind of evidence to use; whether to emphasize the particulars of a single culture or look for patterns underlying all societies; and what the source of any underlying patterns might be, the definition of a common humanity.
Social scientists in all traditions relied on cross-cultural studies. It was always necessary to supplement information about a society with information about others. So some idea of a common human nature was implicit in each approach. The critical distinction, then, remained: Do uniformities across cultures occur because of organizational needs that must be met everywhere, or because of the uniform needs of human personality?
He had no difficulty bringing out the inconsistencies and triviality of individualistic accounts.
Malinowski said, for example, that magic beliefs come into being when people need to feel a sense of control over events when the outcome was uncertain. In the Trobriand Islands, he found the proof of this claim in the rites surrounding abortions and weaving skirts.
But in the same tribes, there is no magic attached to making clay pots even though it is no more certain a business than weaving. So, the explanation is not consistent. Furthermore, these explanations tend to be used in an ad hoc, superficial way — you just postulate a trait of personality when you need it.
Compte rendu: Jean Acher, dans Revue des langues romanes , 53, , p. Compte rendu: May Plouzeau, dans Revue des langues romanes , 99, , p. Compte rendu: Tania Van Hemelryck, dans Scriptorium , , , p. Compte rendu du recueil: W.
Rothwell, dans French Studies , , , p. Compte rendu: Stone, Herbert K. Compte rendu: Olivier Collet, dans Revue critique de philologie romane , , , p. Fragment de vers; voir N.
Related Claude Lévi-Strauss, un parcours dans le siècle (Collège de France) (French Edition)
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